This note provides an overview of the research framework of the Social Design Lab (ISVD-LAB-003). For details on each theme, please refer to the individual notes.
Since its founding, ISVD has placed "social design" at the core of its activities. Yet this concept does not correspond to any existing academic discipline. No single field — whether design studies, sociology, or policy science — maps directly onto it. So what, exactly, is social design? Is it an original methodology, a patchwork of existing fields, or simply a slogan?
To answer this question, this lab systematically maps the intellectual origins of social design using 977 citations found across ISVD's more than 104 articles. What the citation analysis reveals is a distinctive intellectual coordinate where six academic disciplines intersect.
Social design is a methodological stance located at the intersection of three practices: structural social analysis (identifying invisible problems), epistemological critique (asking why they remain invisible), and design practice (translating insights into concrete interventions). This note presents this hypothesis and clarifies the outlines of the six traditions and their differences from existing design research.
Six Intellectual Traditions
Tradition 1: Social Policy and Welfare Economics
The first tradition underlying social design is Japanese social policy research. Toshiaki Tachibanaki's (1998) empirical analysis of inequality in Economic Inequality in Japan, and Zenichi Kenjō's (2016) political economy of social security — these are endeavors that clarify "what is happening" through data, and they form the direct foundation for ISVD's statistical analysis work.
Government statistics — the Labour Force Survey, the Basic Survey on Wage Structure, and the Comprehensive Survey of Living Conditions from the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare — are the basic infrastructure for making the structure of society visible. Social design does not merely cite these statistics; it treats the very act of "reading" data as a design problem. Depending on which figures are juxtaposed and which axes of comparison are established, different narratives emerge from the same data. That act of design is itself part of social design practice.
Tradition 2: Agnotology and Science Studies
The second tradition is agnotology — the study of ignorance — systematized by Robert Proctor & Schiebinger (2008). This is a field in which serious research is already underway at ISVD's Agnotology Lab (ISVD-LAB-001), and it forms an indispensable intellectual foundation for social design as a whole.
Agnotology asks: "Why do we remain ignorant of important things?" The tobacco industry's systematic suppression of health-harm evidence, the fossil fuel industry's manufacturing of doubt about climate science — these cases demonstrate that ignorance is not a chance product but is often deliberately produced and maintained. By squarely confronting this mechanism of "ignorance production," social design aims not at superficial information provision but at the structural redesign of knowledge access.
Tradition 3: Epistemology and the Politics of Knowledge
The third tradition is the lineage of the politics of knowledge, exemplified by the concept of epistemic injustice proposed by Miranda Fricker (2007). Fricker distinguished between "testimonial injustice" — where a person's testimony is unfairly discredited due to social prejudice — and "hermeneutical injustice" — where the conceptual resources for understanding one's own experience are socially absent.
Charles W. Mills (1997) illuminated through the concept of "white ignorance" how the dominant group's failure to recognize its own privilege functions to maintain social structures. Linsey McGoey (2012) developed the concept of "strategic ignorance," analyzing the mechanisms by which not-knowing is functionally advantageous for power.
For social design, this tradition poses the fundamental question: "Whose voice counts as knowledge?" When the practical knowledge of NPO field workers is dismissed as "not evidence," the structure of epistemic injustice is at work.
Tradition 4: Participatory Design and Social Design
The fourth tradition is the current within design studies that orients itself toward social transformation. Terry Irwin's (2015) Transition Design brought the long-term transformation of socio-technical systems within design's purview. Social innovation organizations like NESTA have practiced intervention in social challenges through the design of public services.
Participatory Design, with its roots in Scandinavia, has formed a methodological tradition that makes stakeholder participation in the design process a core principle and reexamines the power relations between experts and citizens. The concepts of co-design and co-production are part of this lineage.
Social design draws on these design methods as methodological resources, while — as described below — adopting its own distinct stance on the object and scope of design.
Tradition 5: EBPM (Evidence-Based Policy Making)
The fifth tradition is the EBPM (Evidence-Based Policy Making) movement. This principle of placing emphasis on evidence in policymaking spread globally from the UK in the 2000s onward, influenced by EBM (Evidence-Based Medicine).
Yet the practice of EBPM often faces difficulty. Who decides the "quality" of evidence, and by what criteria? An evidence hierarchy that places randomized controlled trials (RCTs) at the apex structurally marginalizes the practical knowledge of NPOs and the experiential knowledge of those most affected. As McGoey (2012) pointed out, the rhetoric of "insufficient data" can itself become a form of strategic ignorance that legitimizes policy inaction.
Social design shares EBPM's orientation of "using evidence," while critically examining the power structures embedded in the selection and interpretation of evidence. Contributing to EBPM from a social design perspective means not only presenting data but asking: "Why is this data hard to see?"
Tradition 6: NPO and Civil Society Theory
The sixth tradition is the theory and practice of the NPO and civil society sector. In Japan, since the 1998 enactment of the Act to Promote Specified Nonprofit Activities (NPO Act), organized civic engagement with social challenges has gained an institutional foundation. Yet the NPO sector continues to face structural challenges: chronic resource shortages, lack of specialist personnel, and low social recognition.
ISVD's activities directly confront the realities of this NPO sector. Building information platforms, providing practical guides, visualizing statistical data — all of these are positioned as concrete interventions against the "information access gap": the structural problem that socially important information fails to reach the people who need it most.
The perspective of civil society theory constantly poses to social design the question: "Design for whom?"
Surveying the six traditions, it becomes clear that social design is constituted at the intersection of three intellectual practices.
- Structural Social Analysis: Drawing on social policy, welfare economics, and NPO/civil society theory to clarify "what is happening" through data and structure. The practice of identifying invisible problems.
- Epistemological Critique: Drawing on agnotology, epistemology, and critical examination of EBPM to ask "why that problem remains invisible." The practice of uncovering the mechanisms that produce knowledge and ignorance.
- Design Practice: Drawing on participatory design and social design to translate insights gained through analysis and critique into concrete interventions — information design, institutional design, service design.
Any one of these three alone is well covered by existing academic disciplines. Social policy excels at structural social analysis; Science and Technology Studies (STS) has rich accumulated epistemological critique; and design studies has established methodologies for design practice. The distinctiveness of social design lies in its performance of all three simultaneously.
Differences from Existing Design Research
The following table distinguishes social design from existing design research.
| Axis | Service Design | Transition Design | Speculative Design | Social Design |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Primary focus | Service touchpoints / user experience | Long-term transformation of socio-technical systems | Envisioning future scenarios | Invisible social structures |
| Time horizon | Short to medium term | Long term (generational) | Future-oriented | Starts from analysis of present structure |
| Epistemological stance | Discovery of user needs | Systems thinking | Posing questions | Uncovering the structure of ignorance |
| Relationship to evidence | Qualitative research / user research | Complex systems theory | Fiction | Statistical data + epistemological critique |
| Form of practice | Prototyping | Visioning | Exhibitions / discussion | Information design + institutional recommendations |
The most important difference lies in epistemological stance. Both service design and transition design presuppose that "the problem is more or less visible." Social design starts from "why is that problem not visible?" It takes the invisibility of the problem itself as its object of analysis, and only by unraveling invisible structures does it gain a foothold for effective intervention.
Social design shares with speculative design the orientation of "posing questions," but while speculative design poses questions through scenarios of possible futures, social design excavates questions buried within present structures.
Research Plan for This Lab
The Social Design Lab (ISVD-LAB-003) will pursue research in five phases.
- Foundations: Systematic literature survey of the six traditions and citation network analysis of ISVD's existing 977 articles. This note is the starting point of this phase.
- Critique: Analysis of the limits and blind spots of each tradition. Particularly, deepening the problem that existing design research lacks "epistemological critique."
- Synthesis: Methodological integration of the three intersections — structural social analysis, epistemological critique, and design practice. Refining "social design" into a concept that can be academically defined.
- Publication: Staged publication of research findings. Accumulated as notes on the ISVD site and ultimately compiled as a methodology paper.
- Discourse: Verification and development of concepts through dialogue with researchers and practitioners.
To Do
- Mapping of key literature across six fields and organization of their interrelationships
- Visualization of the intellectual network from the 977 citation dataset
- Refinement of the methodological definition of "social design"
- Research collaboration with the Agnotology Lab (ISVD-LAB-001)
- Articulation of distinctiveness within Japan's socio-cultural context
Not To Do
- Comprehensive survey of all existing design fields (reference as needed is sufficient)
- Development of new design methods (the purpose is "organization," not "invention" of methodology)
- Claiming affiliation with any particular academic discipline (maintaining an interdisciplinary stance)
- Trademarking or branding "social design" (academic integrity takes priority)
References
Agnotology: The Making and Unmaking of Ignorance — Proctor, R. N. & Schiebinger, L.. Stanford University Press
Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing — Fricker, M.. Oxford University Press
Strategic unknowns: towards a sociology of ignorance — McGoey, L.. Economy and Society, 41(1), 1-16
Transition Design: A Proposal for a New Area of Design Practice, Study, and Research — Irwin, T.. Design and Culture, 7(2), 229-246
The Racial Contract — Mills, C. W.. Cornell University Press
Further Reading
The Unknowers: How Strategic Ignorance Rules the World — McGoey, L.. Zed Books

